CASTE, CLIMATE AND VULNERABILITY : A STUDY OF VILLAGE DYNAMICS

Climate change is a pressing global issue, but its impact is far from uniform. In India, the intersection of climate change and social hierarchies, particularly caste, remains a critically underexplored area in both public discourse and academic literature. I have spent at least 18 years in a rural area, where I’ve observed similar caste-based systems in my village and all over Purvanchal, where social hierarchies and inequalities persist. This essay seeks to address this gap by focusing on the Indo-Gangetic region, specifically rural village settings, and the experiences of subaltern classes. Despite sharing the same climate, lower-caste communities disproportionately bear the brunt of climate change, facing unique challenges that their upper-caste counterparts do not. This piece also explores  the role of state policies in either mitigating or exacerbating their vulnerabilities. Furthermore, instead of any one major event my study focuses on the daily life experiences of lower-caste individuals, highlighting their struggles for livelihood, food, and survival, and the ways they resist and navigate oppression in the village.

The intersection of caste and environment began to gain significant political momentum in 1973. Mainstream environmentalism often overlooked the disproportionate impact of environmental issues on  marginalised communities. Environmental movements like Narmada Bachao Andolan and Chipko Andolan innovatively linked environmental issues to human rights, emphasising the right to life and livelihood. However, they overlooked caste discrimination, which was a harsh reality in villages.NBA examination revealed, Dalit participation was limited, and they were excluded from decision-making processes. Similarly, the Vrindavan Forest Revival Project, launched in 1990, aimed to restore ecology but had a preconceived notion of glorifying traditional practices, including the sewage system associated with lower castes. This approach indirectly imposed caste-based occupations, compelling marginalised communities to continue their traditional roles in the name of preserving heritage and honouring Krishna. The project's emphasis on traditional methods reinforced existing social hierarchies, undermining its environmental goals.

However, the Dalit Panthers' movement highlighted the uppercaste dominance and hegemony, questioning the dominant narratives and emphasising the need for environmental justice. The movement's manifesto underscored the importance of access to natural resources, such as land, water, and means of production, for Dalit liberation.

Focusing on mainly rural areas in Purvanchal (Eastern UP), this study examines the environmental impact of climate change through the lens of caste. Here using the term 'Dalit' to refer to all communities outside the Brahmanical fold, it explores how the caste system and associated occupations, roles and responsibilities exacerbate the unequal effects of climate change, making certain groups more vulnerable than others.

In Purvanchal's villages, caste-based segregation is compounded by topographical divisions. Upper castes reside in higher elevations, while lower castes are relegated to lower-lying areas. During heavy rainfall, this division proves disastrous. Water flows downhill, collecting in lower-caste areas, while upper-caste communities remain relatively unaffected due to their higher elevation. This strategic division of land and resources exacerbates the vulnerability of lower castes to climate-related crises, highlighting the intricate linkages between caste, topography, and environmental injustice.

Waterlogging in lower-caste areas creates breeding grounds for mosquitoes, contaminates water resources, and leads to outbreaks of typhoid, malaria, and fever. The municipal authorities' response is inadequate, as they often restrict their mosquito control measures to upper-caste areas, leaving lower-caste communities vulnerable to these health risks. This selective approach exacerbates the existing health disparities, further marginalising already vulnerable populations.

In Purvanchal's villages, climate change has led to shorter winters and longer summers, resulting in frequent heat waves common during summer. Lower-caste communities, who work outdoors as laborers, auto drivers, and sweepers, are disproportionately affected. Their kutcha houses lack basic amenities like fans, offering little protection from the heat. Government plantation initiatives, limited to upper-caste areas, have inadvertently exacerbated this disparity, providing shade and relief to those communities while lower-caste areas remain exposed. The impact on their health and livelihoods is significant, as they toil in extreme heat without respite.

The Indo-Gangetic plain's climate, influenced by the ITCZ (Intertropical Convergence Zone), Deccan plateau and El Nino makes rainfall crucial for agriculture. Lower castes, reliant on agriculture, are disproportionately affected by changes in rainfall, leading to crop destruction and food insecurity. About 79.33% of rural households, including dominant castes, hold agricultural land, while marginalised communities, including Dalits and tribals, hold only 11.84% of land, mostly small and marginal holdings. This unequal land ownership reduces land productivity and sustainability, and times of food  scarcity ,drought, natural disasters and climate change render  landless dalit more vulnerable than other castes.Government policies like minimum support prices and godowns,  warehouses often benefit those with surplus produce, leaving out daily agricultural laborers. 

Similarly in the case of rural housing, data shows 52.6% of Dalits live in kutcha houses, and only 38.4% have access to safe drinking water. The 2011 NSSO data reveals 94.7% of Dalits have self-owned homes, but most are in poor condition, making them vulnerable to climate change. Also in 2018 Kerala floods, triggered by extreme rainfall and landslides in August, disproportionately affected marginalised communities, particularly in Idukki and Palakkad districts, where over 9% of the population were Scheduled Castes (SC). The disaster resulted in 433 deaths, affected 5.4 million people, and displaced 1.4 million, including 10% SC and 2-3% Scheduled Tribes (ST).

The Disaster Management Authority Act 2005, with its colonial legacy, failed to address caste, class, religion, and minority issues, leading to further marginalisation . In relief camps, lower-caste individuals, such as Ezhavas, faced severe caste-based oppression, segregation, and violence. Dominant castes like Nairs and Syrian Christians refused to share living spaces, kitchens, or food, highlighting the deep-seated caste biases.

The state's response was inadequate, and the disaster management authorities overlooked the unique needs of marginalised communities. A significant proportion of SC (41%) and Adivasi (17%) populations lived in vulnerable, remote areas, which were severely affected due to lack of access to early warnings and state support. The floods exposed the intersectional vulnerabilities of marginalised communities, who were:

1. Forced to live in remote areas, increasing their exposure to disasters.

2. Deprived of access to early warning systems.

3. Neglected by the state, which failed to address their specific needs.

Additionally, Climate change impact is not only visible in humans but animals too, like outbreaks of diseases such as Bluetongue, Bovine Tuberculosis, and Bird Flu, especially affecting milch animals. In rural areas, lower-caste communities have been disproportionately affected due to their dependence on livestock for their livelihood. Notably, the rearing of cattle is often divided along caste lines, with upper castes typically associated with cow rearing and lower castes with buffalo domestication. This division is rooted in Hindu nationalist ideologies that assign symbolic value to cows as representative of the Aryan race, while buffaloes are associated with non-Aryans. Despite buffaloes producing more milk, cows are prioritized, reflecting the entrenched caste-based segregation. Consequently, Dalit communities have critiqued mainstream environmental and animal welfare movements for their ties to Brahmanical Hinduism and exclusionary politics.

Dalits are vulnerable not only due to climate change but also because of systemic inequalities in access to natural resources like water and land. Even in normal conditions, upper castes dominate water supply, irrigation, and land ownership, denying lower castes access to these essential resources. Periyar, a social reformer, highlighted how Brahminism's monopoly over land and water resources perpetuates caste-based domination. He argued that control over natural resources is a crucial element of private property and caste economy, and that lower castes are alienated from these resources. His Self-Respect Movement emphasised the importance of community ownership of natural resources and challenged the existing social relations that perpetuate inequality. Apart from this when climate change impacts intensify, rural migrants, particularly lower-caste communities, are forced to move to cities. However, as Malini Ranganathan's research highlights, these urban spaces often perpetuate environmental casteism, with Dalit-majority slums facing criminalising discourses and planning policies that lead to evictions and exclusion.

Not just the caste system, but neoliberal capitalism also exploits the labor of lower castes. One analysis reveals that it erodes the natural and social foundations of their lives and livelihoods, reinforcing existing hierarchies. Increased mobility and migration often lead to further marginalisation, undermining dignity of labor. Moreover, the global capitalist project promotes environmental narratives like 'green growth' and 'low-carbon economy,' which overlook and delegitimize Dalits' struggles for basic rights over land, water, forests, and their occupations.

Ulrich Beck's concept of the "Risk Society" also highlights how modern society is increasingly defined by the risks it creates, such as environmental degradation, technological disasters, and economic uncertainties. These risks are global, unpredictable, and often invisible, challenging traditional notions of security and progress. On environmental issues, Beck notes that ecological crises represent a fundamental breach of civil rights, including the right to life and freedom from harm. He argues that this violation is often masked during times of prosperity but has long-term, destabilising effects. Beck emphasises that addressing ecological issues requires a transformation of institutions, science, and business to prioritize democratic accountability and protection.

Ambedkar, a prominent Dalit leader, exposed the harsh realities of inequality and exploitation in rural society, starkly contrasting with Gandhi's romanticised view of villages as sites of authenticity , autonomy and harmony. For Ambedkar, villages represented extreme exploitation, unbalanced economies, and ecological degradation. He saw villages as fragmented units with unequal access to natural resources, habitats, and economic opportunities. Unlike Gandhi's notion of village republics, Ambedkar's perspective highlighted the deep-seated social and economic hierarchies that perpetuated caste-based oppression.

Achieving a sustainable future requires addressing deep-rooted social issues stemming from unequal land distribution, caste-based oppression, and discrimination. The state plays a vital role in ensuring equitable distribution of resources and implementing policies that genuinely empower Dalits. Rather than superficial solutions, we must tackle the root causes of social inequality, drawing inspiration from Ambedkar and Periyar's ideas.

To uplift Dalits, a dual approach is necessary. Firstly, we need to address immediate challenges by providing resources, enhancing policy support, and ensuring legislative representation. This includes establishing specialised disaster relief mechanisms for marginalised communities. Secondly, we must confront the deep-seated causes of social inequality. By fostering active participation of marginalised groups in state affairs and adopting a multi-faceted approach, we can create a more equitable society resilient to challenges like climate change."

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By Gunjan Kharwar

Gunjan Kharwar is a second-year Master’s student in History at Delhi University and a graduate of Miranda House. She has a strong passion for exploring the intersections of sexuality, jurisprudence, lower caste issues, environment, and neoliberalism. Her academic and intellectual interests lie in unpacking the complex relationships between power, identity, and social justice. Gunjan is particularly drawn to writing and discussing issues related to environmental degradation, caste dynamics, climate change, and women’s rights. She is eager to engage in conversations and collaborations that shed light on these critical concerns and inspire meaningful change.

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References

1. Sharma, M. (2017). Caste and Nature. Oxford University Press.p.g.8-25,256-261

2. Sharma, M. (2024). Dalit ecology: Caste and environmental justice. Cambridge University Press.p.g.1-30,186-214

3. Gandhi, M. K. (2019). Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule. Prabhat Prakashan.

4. Ambedkar, B. R. (2020). Annihilation of Caste. Navayana Publishing.

5. L.B.Khem and Roongtawanreongsri Saowalak,(2024). Emerging theme and qualitative evidence of the role of the Caste system in climate change vulnerability  In South Asia. Human Ecology.p.g.1-17