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THE STEALTHY RISE OF THE UNIFORM CIVIL CODE IN INDIA

Story so far

On 27th January 2025, the Uttarakhand Legislative Assembly challenged the colonial foundations of India's legal pluralism by welcoming the Uniform Civil Code and becoming the 1st state in India to achieve this feat. This historic experimental promulgation has rejuvenated the decades-old debate regarding the deferred dream of the Constitution framers. The politico-religious landscape of the nation is already saturated with heated exchanges regarding the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025. While Gujarat eyes to attain the 2nd spot, the question echoes, "Is it high time for the Uniform Civil Code to be brought to life?" The visionary Parliamentarians and the judicial masterminds of India pass an intellectual smile. Let's advance further, analysing the cause of that smile.


Concept & Constitutionality

Uniform Civil Code is a legal concept derived from a directive principle of state policy enshrined in Article 44 of the Constitution of India, which aims to promote equality, secularism and gender justice by transcending the boundaries of religious personal laws alongwith also regulating private affairs such as marriage, divorce, adoption, guardianship, and property and inheritance laws of the citizens. While it is celebrated as an instrument of equality before the law (Article 14) and the prohibition of discrimination (Article 15), critics allege that it violates the religious freedom to practice, profess, and propagate one's religion (Article 25) and the right to manage religious affairs (Article 26). The constitutional interpretation and legal complications remain the bone of contention, thereby obstructing its drafting and implementation process. Nonetheless, the Indian Legislature and Judiciary have always been committed to fulfilling the aspirations of the Constitution framers, and thus, the Uniform Civil Code is no exception. Augmented through a chronology of socio-economic reforms and shifting judicial interpretations, the Uniform Civil Code has evolved stealthily in India's dynamic political environment under the shadow of parliamentary legislation and landmark judgements. There are multiple instances of such legislation and verdicts, which vivified certain aspects and objectives of the Uniform Civil Code, such as gender justice through marriage and inheritance laws, concealing their inheritance from the original concept. With the advent of judicial activism and Public Interest Litigations, the evolving statutes of the Indian civil laws have nurtured a gradual but revolutionary realisation of the ideals of the Uniform Civil Code. The following paragraphs encapsulate a progressive journey of the Indian civil society, which knows how to balance legality and justice with the ultimate will of the people.


The Legendary Legislations

The Indian Parliamentary ecosystem has always been a breeding ground for political and legal innovations, spearheaded by our visionary ministers and the vigilant opposition. The history of their legendary legislations stretches from the early years of structural consolidation to the present-day functional refinements, from the creation of new civil laws and amending the existing ones, to criminalising the odds which couldn’t be amended. The statutes, like the Hindu Code Bills, provided a structural basis of legal uniformity by codifying the Hindu religious law, eliminating the scriptural ambiguities and geographical differences throughout the Hindu community. With the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955, the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act of 1956 and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act of 1956, it standardised monogamy, divorce and inheritance rights, vitalising the ideals of equality, gender justice and statutory uniformity within the diverse Hindu fold. It served as a legislative precedent and laid the foundational stone for the adoption of the Uniform Civil Code in India. The Special Marriage Act of 1954 has also been a secular masterstroke, recognising marriages irrespective of caste and religion, which granted an alternative uniform legal mechanism to register inter-community marriages and even love marriages without obstructing the existing religious marital laws, balancing the conservative demands of restoring plurality with the progressive programme of uniformity and equality. It stands out as a matrimonial prototype of the Uniform Civil Code.


Codifying and drafting new civil laws has worked well in resolving the issues of legal ambiguities and statutory vacuum. However, when it comes to rationalising the existing laws, the legislature has performed significant work by amending the existing religious personal laws, despite political differences, communal influences and vote bank politics. The Indian Divorce (Amendment) Act of 2001 and the Parsi Marriage and Divorce (Amendment) Act of 1988 exemplify the functional refinements brought to the existing laws. Both reforms destroyed colonial and patriarchal injustices embedded within community-specific matrimonial laws, placing men and women on an equal legal footing in matters of divorce, maintenance, and custody, aligning them with the egalitarian mandates of Articles 14 and 15, enforcing constitutional morality.


In the era of skyrocketing public scrutiny and emerging judicial activism through PILs on the judicial front, as well as  the transformation of Indian democracy into a multi-party system on the political front, such civil legislations and amendments were never a piece of cake, owing to the cut-throat political competition in meeting the popular anticipations and radiating communalism in the electoral arena. The status quo demanded situational opportunities, and the landmark legal disputes ignited the splinters of hope. These became the origins of a newer doctrine which synchronised the civil matters with the criminal ones. Hence, this was how the legislature trespassed the existing civil laws with the new criminal laws, with more stringent penalties and implementational emphasis, which the judiciary has occasionally upheld in multiple cases. Let’s have a quick breakdown of the relevant criminal statutes as well.


The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act of 2005 universally criminalised domestic violence irrespective of any religion and its personal laws. It showcases how the legislature further amplified the functional aspect of the existing religious personal laws by strictly securing access to gender justice through criminal proceedings and penalties. The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA) of 2006 outrightly outlawed child marriages by fixing minimal marriageable ages (18 for females and 21 for males), pronouncing child marriages illegitimate and voidable by the court of law and unveiling Child Marriage Prohibition Officers for the de facto implementation of the law, adorned by a penalty of two years rigorous imprisonment or a fine of two lakh rupees or both, for those who perform, promote or permit a child marriage. The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act of 2019 is popularly revered to be an aftermath of the Shayara Bano v. Union of India Case (2017), in which the Supreme Court declared instant triple talaq (talaq-e-biddat) as unconstitutional. This act enacted the landslide verdict by declaring instant triple talaq as void and illegal (Sec.3), pronouncing a three-year imprisonment for the husband (Sec.4), ensuring subsistence allowance and custody of minor children. Hence, these were the reasons behind the smiles of our Parliamentarians.


The Judicial Masterstrokes

While our Parliamentarians served as the torchbearers of this stealthy march towards hard secularism, extinguishing the flames of legal plurality, the judiciary, from its shadowed courtrooms, laboured to turn deferred dreams into inevitable realities. The Indian Justitia shed the blindfold of passive interpretation to examine the application of religious personal laws within the sui generis circumstances of each case. Here are some landmark judgments that highlight the judiciary's growing pro-Uniform Civil Code stance.


Let’s start with Mohd. Ahmed Khan v. Shah Bano Begum Case (1985), in which the Supreme Court upheld Shah Bano’s right to claim maintenance under Section 125 of the Criminal Procedure Code (1973), a secular provision that allows a wife (irrespective of religion) to claim maintenance if she cannot maintain herself, against her husband, who argued that under Muslim Personal Law, his obligation ended after the completion of Iddat period (around 3 months). The then Chief Justice Y.V. Chandrachud strongly advocated the implementation of the UCC, lamenting that Article 44 remained “a dead letter.” For the first time, the Court indirectly enforced UCC principles in a personal law context.


In Sarla Mudgal v. Union of India Case (1995), the Supreme Court’s verdict turned out to be a careful crackdown on the Hindu men who converted to Islam to marry again without divorcing their first wives, exploiting the legal plurality by a fraudulent conversion to circumvent monogamy under the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955. The Court held such conversions invalid for a second marriage, interpreting it as bigamy under Section 494 of the Indian Penal Code. Justice Kuldip Singh reiterated that the absence of a Uniform Civil Code leads to such legal loopholes, urging the government to secure a UCC “to promote national integration.”


Another major judgment was pronounced in John Vallamattom v. Union of India Case (2003), in which the Supreme Court invoked the principle of “due process of law” to dismantle Section 118 of the Indian Succession Act, 1925, as unconstitutional, which restricted Christians from donating property for religious or charitable purposes through a will, violating their Article 14 (equality) and Article 25 (freedom of religion). The then Chief Justice V.N. Khare once again invoked Article 44, stating that UCC would eliminate such discrimination. This was how the “due process of law” was used to examine the application of religious personal laws within the sui generis circumstances of each case.


While the Shah Bano Case was primarily concerned about the maintenance provision after Triple-Talaq (talaq-e-biddat), the Shayara Bano v. Union of India Case (2017) challenged the very constitutionality of Triple-Talaq (talaq-e-biddat), Nikah Halala, and polygamy. The Supreme Court declared “instant triple talaq” as unconstitutional by a 3:2 majority judgement. Justice Nariman’s opinion held that it was arbitrary and violated Article 14 (equality). These four cases chronologically narrate how the Indian Justitia gradually shed her blindfold and saw the smiles of our judicial masterminds embracing the realisation of the Uniform Civil Code in India.


Challenges 

Despite the legislative and judicial milestones tracing the ongoing saga of the Uniform Civil Code, religious sensitivity, communal pacification, and political compromises have been the endless coils which have been strangling this consecutive legal reform process. Despite offering a diversity of perspectives and stability to the status quo, the influential and populist voices have also paralysed legal innovation. While in some cases, the very communal pacification has fuelled political adventurism, which threatens to sever the fragile balance between legal innovation and constitutionality itself. These two challenges are evident as we look into the following controversies stretching from the past to the present.


After the Supreme Court’s judgment in the previously discussed Shah Bano Case (1985), which assured maintenance to Shah Bano Begum from her husband, she was allegedly deprived of the justice she had once victoriously claimed in the decisive courtroom. The Parliament enacted the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act of 1986, which reversed and nullified the Supreme Court’s progressive judgment. The critics point out that, when the judiciary strived to establish uniformity through gender justice, the legislature surrendered to communal appeasement. This was how religious sensitivity, communal pacification, and political compromises crippled the march to legal innovation.


Apart from the past, observing the present scenario, when the Supreme Court deliberates on the constitutionality of the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025, after staying certain provisions on account of being “prima facie arbitrary”, the legislature comes into scrutiny once again. The act, which seeks to introduce administrative transparency in the management of Waqf properties, has drawn criticism for allegedly overreaching beyond the Muslim community by allowing non-Muslims to be appointed to Waqf Boards. While the government justifies this provision as a stride toward inclusivity and accountability, its critics denounce it as a misapplication of the very principles of uniformity, arguing that it infringes upon the community’s right to manage its own religious endowments guaranteed under Article 26(b) of the Constitution. Apart from that, the Supreme Court’s stay on its certain provision carries in itself an enormous significance. The Court stayed Section 3(r), which required that a person creating a waqf must have practiced Islam for at least five years; provisions under Section 3C (2), (3), and (4), which empowered administrative officers such as District Collectors to adjudicate whether a property claimed as waqf is government land; and the caps on non-Muslim representation in the Central and State Waqf Boards. The Court observed that these provisions lacked procedural safeguards and could potentially undermine the due process of law and equality before law (Article 14). Such instances of legal innovation sometimes backfire as political adventurism, which the judiciary has to deal with. Although this Act proved to be a masterpiece in limiting the hegemonic assertiveness and abuse of authority by the Waqf boards and tribunals, by employing some brilliant administrative and financial interventions, some of its provisions came into conflict with the constitutional mandates. However, the decision still stands pending with comprehensive debates prolonging the ongoing hearings.


Conclusion

In a nutshell, the Indian story of the Uniform Civil Code has been rather a decades-long marathon than a one-time sprint. The Indian parliamentarians and judges preferred a gradual transition, in place of a radical imposition, to sync the reforms with the tide of time, as well as the pace of socio-intellectual progress in the Indian civil society. As the world’s largest democracy, Indian citizens have adapted to the neo-reformism, indirectly backing them as their force multipliers in the stealthy evolution of the Uniform Civil Code. What began as a deferred dream of the Constitution framers under Article 44 has gradually matured through the lived realities of Indian democracy. Each legislation, from the Hindu Code Bills to the Waqf (Amendment) Act, and each verdict, from Shah Bano to Shayara Bano, represents not a rebellion against religious identity but a reconciliation between faith and fairness, tradition and transformation. The Indian adaptation of the Uniform Civil Code may not be a revolutionary proclamation, but rather a gradual journey towards achieving the Indian consensus.

By Ahsaas Raj

Ahsaas Raj is a 2nd-year Hindu College student pursuing his BA Programme in Economics and English. His analytical curiosity stretches from law to philosophy, politics to history, and economics to international relations. He rationally analyses every fact and opinion with a chronological flow and a multi-dimensional approach. He effectively blends creativity into his structured works.

References

  1. Uniform Civil Code of Uttarakhand Act, 2024

  2. The Hindu. “Uniform Civil Code to come into effect into effect in Uttarakhand from January 27.” The Hindu, 27 Jan. 2025, Uniform Civil Code to come into effect in Uttarakhand from January 27 - The Hindu

  3. Newsonair. “Gujarat to become second state to implement Uniform Civil Code after Uttarakhand.” Newsonair, 26 Mar. 2025, https://www.newsonair.gov.in/gujarat-to-become-second-state-to-implement-uniform-civil-code-after-uttarakhand/ 

  4. Constitution of India

  5. Hindu Marriage Act, 1955

  6. Hindu Succession Act, 1956 

  7. Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956 

  8. Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956

  9. Special Marriage Act, 1954

  10. Indian Divorce (Amendment) Act, 2001

  11. Parsi Marriage and Divorce (Amendment) Act, 1988

  12. Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005

  13. Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA), 2006

  14. Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019

  15. Mohd. Ahmed Khan v. Shah Bano Begum Case (1985)

  16. Sarla Mudgal v. Union of India Case (1995)

  17. John Vallamattom v. Union of India Case (2003)

  18. Shayara Bano v. Union of India Case (2017)

  19. Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986

  20. Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025

  21. The Hindu. “Law on prevention of child marriages can't be stunted by personal laws: SC.” The Hindu, 18 Oct. 2024, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/law-on-prevention-of-child-marriages-cant-be-stunted-by-personal-laws-sc/article68767973.ece 

 
 
 

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