INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY AT A CROSSROADS:Pahalgam was just not a national tragedy, it was a test of India’s strategic diplomacy
- Hindu College Gazette Web Team
- 3 days ago
- 5 min read
Updated: 2 days ago
The article delves into assessing India’s diplomatic alignment post the Pahalgam attack. The attack, which called for an immediate response, both militarily and diplomatically, has called into question New Delhi’s contemporary foreign policy – “The India Way”.
The Pahalgam attack on 22nd April, 2025, not only shook the nation but also tested India’s resolve and posture in the region. The attack in Pahalgam, which deeply shocked the nation, called for safeguarding national sovereignty, prompting discussions on balanced strategic responses. The Indian government responded swiftly with the suspension of the Indus Water Treaty for an indefinite period. The Armed Forces accomplished Operation Sindoor by targeting and destroying militant camps in Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Bhimber on the night of 7th May. The Indian government, in its press briefing, clarified that all the locations targeted in the operation were militant camps and no offensive was carried out on any armed forces bases. Despite this, the Pakistani Army launched missiles and fired ammunition, which eventually led to a worsening of the situation, putting both the nuclear power states on the brink of war. The situation was only de-escalated after DGMOs of both sides reached a consensus for a ceasefire. India now stands at a crossroads. The balance between assertive sovereignty and global partnerships is no longer optional—it's existential. This episode underscored the need to reform broader diplomatic alignments in rapidly shifting realpolitik.
Currently, India wants to prioritise strategic autonomy, balancing relationships with the US, Russia and Europe while engaging in forums like BRICS and QUAD. However, this policy needs to be reviewed in the background of the responses put forth by different nations. While Russia remains India’s steadfast partner at the global level and its continued reliance on Russian arms despite Western pressure to isolate Moscow, India may find it necessary to modify its expectations from the U.S. to ensure alignment of strategic priorities. Unverified claims of US mediation arguably raise questions about the intent of such diplomatic overtures. The evolving dynamics of the U.S.-India relationship, particularly under the current U.S. administration, merit a reassessment of expectations and strategic outcomes. QUAD’s silence over the conflict and Vance’s statement suggest the need for India to revisit its expectation of mutual security assurances within the framework. India, while reassessing elements of its strategic convergence with the United States, can concurrently deepen its engagement with partners that have demonstrated support, such as Russia and France, to counterweight the former's influence on the Global South. Russia is India’s largest defence partner, and it can emerge as New Delhi’s most trusted partner post-conflict. Russia's exported S-400, along with Akash Missiles, were India’s major defence wall during the conflict. India should explore deeper into defence collaborations, including potential joint ventures in anti-hypersonic tech, along with importing S-500 missiles to counter China’s JF-17. It can effectively partner with Moscow to co-develop Su-57 MiG-5th generation fighter jets and secure 2 more Akula-class submarines (like INS Chakra III) to boost its defence while countering China. Looking beyond the defence dimensions, India should look forward to diversifying its regional priorities where multilateral forums like QUAD fall short of delivering substantial support and let Russia exclusively supply thorium-based reactors to reduce strategic dependency on Australia and the US.
Alternatively, in our opinion, India must look at engaging with France. France is India’s second biggest arms partner, and its close ties with India can act as a bridge to European stakeholders. India can speed up its delivery of 26 Rafale M-fighters for INS Vikrant, along with 3 more Scorpène class submarines to counter Pakistan’s Chinese-built Type 054A frigates. India’s active engagement through alternative financial mechanisms akin to INSTEX, which could serve to diversify strategic dependencies and enhance national interests for arms deals, can help counter Dollar hegemony. While the U.S. wavers between India and Pakistan, and Russia balances India with China, France stands as India’s only major power ally without conflicting loyalties.
In contrast to India’s expanding partnerships with like-minded democracies, certain regional alliances like the Pakistan-Turkey nexus require strategic vigilance. India must explore timely and multidimensional responses to regional alignments that could impact its strategic depth and regional stability. India can neutralise Ankara’s influence through military and economic tactics. One might suggest strengthening defence ties with Armenia- a country that has its regional concerns vis-à-vis Ankara, reaching Kurdish groups to pressure Ankara domestically and using the Greek and Cypriot alliance. India’s action on Çelebi- A Turkish company is a welcome move. It should advance in this direction by reshaping trade frameworks on Turkish imports and diverting trade to Iran via the International North-South Economic Corridor. India should raise legitimate concerns within BRICS regarding Turkey’s alignment patterns and their implications for the forum’s cohesion. While certain alignments remain challenged, India's expanding engagement with the Islamic world presents an opportunity to deepen strategic partnerships and reinforce its role as a bridge between East and West. It has continuously engaged with the Gulf Monarchies in recent years, which has resulted in Saudi-UAE blocking anti-India resolutions in recent OIC meetings. Advancements can be made in this direction by de-hyphenation and treating India as a standalone partner, boosting non-oil trade through the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. Indian diaspora in these countries can further act as a valuable bridge to strengthen bilateral ties.
The Pahalgam attack has called for a reflection of India's foreign policy, highlighting the limits of passive alignments and risks of over-reliance on multilateral partnerships. India’s measured yet firm response illustrates a shift toward strategic clarity—one that neither sacrifices autonomy nor shies away from calibrated assertion. In the evolving global order, New Delhi's foreign policy must be shaped on the lines of realism, diversification and the ability to reframe relationships based on long-term national interests, not historic sentiment. Moving forward, India must deepen its ties with trusted partners like France and Russia while reassessing its alignment with QUAD. It should look into strengthening ties with the Islamic world through defence as well as an economic approach. Most importantly, it should project itself as a responsible and evolving power, securing its right to defend its sovereignty while affirming its foreign policy's principles of Dharma and NFU (No First Use), rooted in its civilisational values, as the upcoming decades can position India as a superpower.
By Swayam Ranjan
Swayam Ranjan is a third-year student of Political Science (Honours) from the University of Delhi, hailing from Patna, Bihar. He is known for his political and economic analysis, with his numerous publications in magazines of eminent institutions. He has worked with the Vice President of India and several Members of Parliament on key issues such as Health, Internal Security and Finance and has published research papers in collaboration with the Rajya Sabha, Parliament of India.
Well articulated.
In depth and analytical.