Sital Sasthi
- Hindu College Gazette Web Team

- Aug 12
- 13 min read
Updated: Aug 14

INTRODUCTION
Odisha, India’s best-kept secret and the land of Lord Jagannath, celebrates the Shiva Cult of Hindu Tradition in the form of several festivals. Faith has always been of paramount significance in determining the lifestyle of people in various regions of our nation, and the same is true in the state of Orissa. In earlier times, various monarchs and religious authorities relied on regional customs or Little Traditions to ascertain their authority. Faith is the thread that forms the tapestry of the culture for the state of Odisha. One such tradition is the Sital Sasthi Yatra of Sambalpur. The Sitala Sasthi Yatra, which symbolises Sambalpur's indigenous and ethnic tradition, may be mentioned in this connection as a folk theatre that illustrates how elements of Great Tradition culture have evolved downward and integrated with local traditions. For ages, the focus has been centered on maintaining this Puranic heritage and increasing awareness of its expression through folk theatre. The district of Sambalpur, situated alongside the Mahanadi River, offers a glimpse of the vestiges of the ancient Sambalpur Garh. The district is located 317 kilometers from Bhubaneswar, the state capital. Although the exact origin of this folk drama is yet to be traced, it still reigns as one of the most popular celebrations around the year. The two divine characters, Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati, transform into two human characters in this unique and unmatched folk drama, and the community celebrates their marriage ceremony following local traditions and customs which position Odisha in a unique position in the nation’s cultural map.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
As per popular saying, Daksa organised a Yajna where he invited all deities and relatives to attend it. However, he skipped his son-in-law, i.e, Lord Shiva, whom Sati had wedded against Daksa’s wishes. Sati burst into tears upon learning of the situation. After settling down, she went to her father’s house to attend the ritual rite without an invitation. Unfortunately, she faced dishonour and disgrace. Following the objection, Daksha, out of anger, cursed Shiva and called him a yogi, a beggar, and the king of goblins. When the insults became unbearable, Sati plunged herself into the Yajna Kunda to escape the insults. Lord Shiva, after learning of Sati’s death, grew infuriated and went across the universe carrying her corpse on his back. The universe had almost come to the verge of destruction; however, that was stopped by the intervention of Lord Vishnu: Sati was reborn as Parvati at the house of King Himalaya, where she practiced tapasya to gain Shiva as her spouse. Her tapasya pleased Lord Shiva, who then married Parbati. Sambalpur's Sitala Sasthi Yatra commemorates the marriage of Lord Siva and Goddess Parbati.
The Yatra has both mythological and historical origins. Organising this Yatra preserves tradition and heritage. Certain historical records hint that this regional custom was popular during the period of the seventeenth century and even helped in cementing the societal traditions and reaffirmed collective identity. The ritual event originated during the time of Raja Baliar Singh, the Chauhan Raja of Sambalpur. He was a highly successful monarch of the Sambalpur kingdom, who expanded its borders by conducting victorious operations against adjacent kingdoms and, consequently, was given the title of Hirakhanda Chhatrapati Maharaj.
King Baliar Singh reportedly visited Puri on pilgrimage. He was invited by the Dowager Queen, his mother's sister. Raja Baliar Singh went to the Gajapati Maharaja's palace after visiting Lord Jagannath's temple. The Queen wished to measure his strength and intelligence. When the Queen Dowager found him alone and defenceless inside her palace, she challenged him to demonstrate how he would defend himself if arrested. Baliar Singh faced eight Mallas in a locked chamber. He successfully beat all eight Mallas after revealing his Samaleswari Khanda from his waistband. The Queen Dowager was pleased with his heroic behaviour and performance. She convinced her son, Gajapati Maharaja, to give Baliar Singh the title of Hirakhand Chhatrapati Maharaj, meaning ‘Supreme Lord of the Diamond-Rich Nation’.
On Raja Baliar Singh's request, Gajapati Maharaja brought eighteen Brahmin households from various Sasanas of Puri to Sambalpur. Raja settled them at various locations and also hired them for various roles in his court. Raja Baliar Singh's court poet, Pandit Gangadhar Mishra, who wrote the Kosalananda Kavya, belonged to the Utkaliya Brahmin community. The Kavya sheds information on the administration of the Chauhan monarchs of Sambalpur. The Brahmin families initially settled in Nanda Pada. In their ancestral Sasani villages, these Utkaliya Brahmins used to commemorate the Sitala Sasthi Yatra. As soon as they arrived in Sambalpur, they began this custom at Samia Gudi, the temple of Somanath within the Sambalpur fort. In a tribally dominated area like Sambalpur, it may have been a diplomatic gesture by foreigners, such as Brahmins, to uphold and maintain their superior social status quo.
It is important to note that while the majority of Aranyaka Brahmins are Paramarthis or Vaishnavas, the majority of Utkaliya Brahmins worship Siva. Additionally, Raja gave this Yatra his royal sanction. The Sambalpur region was experiencing an instance of ‘Brahminization’ or ‘Sanskritization’. These Utkaliya Brahmins then asked Raja Ajit Singh (1725–1766) to build a temple dedicated to Siva at Nanda Pada. In the early years of his tenure, Raja Ajit Singh was an exceptionally powerful and capable leader. He supported the Brahminical way of life. He founded Ajitpur Sasan as well. But starting around 1760, he lost interest and began to wallow in grandeur and pleasures. The Dewan Dakshin Ray was given total authority over the kingdom's administration, which allowed him to act extravagantly and with unbridled power.
In May 1766, Raja passed away. Abhaya Singh (1766- 1778), his son, was only sixteen years old when he assumed the role as Raja of Sambalpur. However, the new Raja was imprisoned by the Dewan and died in 1778, twelve years later. During this time, Sambalpur was ruled by the Dewan, the de facto ruler. He had finished the temple of Balunkeswar, the site of the Sitala Sasthi Yatra. This ceremonial celebration was then initiated in the nearby Lokanath temple of Jharua Para, and subsequently at the Jageswar temple of Mudi Pada. The Behera family of Jhadua Pada built the temple of Lokanath. It should be noted that the Aranyaka Brahmins, sometimes referred to as Jhadua Brahmins locally, make up the majority of the population of Jhadua Pada. In 1816, Danei Patel built the Temple of Jageswar Baba in Mudi Pada. In 1976, the Sitala Sasthi Yatra began at this shrine. However, the festival's procession, known as Nagara Parikrama, began in 1985. This celebration is thought to have gained enormous support under Sambalpur's rule by Raja Ajit Singh (1725–1766). In particular, the Sitalasasthi Yatra, one of the largest festivals in the Sambalpur area, is observed with an atmosphere of concurrence and rivalry between these two castes of Brahmins.
The social rank of the Aranyaka and Utkaliya Brahmins is the source of their arguments. Within the castes, the Utkaliyas are at the top of the hierarchy, followed by the Aranyakas. While an Aranyaka is permitted to take prepared food from a Utkaliya Brahmin's home, Utkaliyas are not allowed to accept it from Aranyakas. The Aranyaka Brahmins, however, disagree with this. It's interesting to note that these two Brahmin classes are two distinct endogamous groups. Although it is prohibited between them, there have been several marriages between them in recent years. There is rivalry and competitiveness between these two Brahmin classes when it comes to performing religious ceremonies, especially the Sital Sasthi Yatra. This conflict reached such a serious stage in 1762 that it was brought before Raja Ajit Singh's court. During the Yatra, the conflict between the two groups became frequent. Serious incidents of the Sambalpur Sita Sasthi Yatra were documented during the battles in 1940, 1945, and 1954. Therefore, the District Administration assigned distinct paths for these two groups' procession in 1980. Today, though, their long-standing antagonism has manifested during the Sitala-Sasthi Yatra as a competition in decorations and arrangements.
RITUALISTIC FEATURES:
According to Hindu custom, the sixth day of the bright fortnight, or Jyestha Sukla Paksa Sasthi Tithi, is when the Sitala Sasthi Yatra is observed. Jyestha month (May–June). Nonetheless, the festival's preparations begin a month in advance, during the Hindu month of Baisakh (April–May). To put it another way, Baisakh signifies the start of joy, excitement, and contentment for the Sambalpur community since the region starts commemorating its most well-known, well-liked, and vibrant Sitala Sasthi Yatra during this month.

Akshya Trutiya Tithi is the day of the First Niti of Sitala Sasthi Yatra in Sambalpur’s entire territory, when the entire Sambalpur senses the Sitala Sasthi Yatra vibration. It has found a place among those who enjoy traditional drama forms. As previously mentioned, the third day of the brilliant fortnight in the Hindu month of Baisakh, also known as Baisakh Sukla Trutiya or Akshya Trutiya, is when the first Niti of Sitala Sasthi is performed. Thali Utha is the name of this Niti. This significant Niti signifies the start of the Sitala Sasthi Yatra. This Niti is important because, following it, Lord Siva's human parents or the festival's organisers begin looking for Goddess Parbati's human parents.
These parents carry out the most revered Kanyadan ceremony and serve as Goddess Parbati's human parents. To put it another way, following the Thali Utha Niti, Lord Siva's parents begin searching for a suitable bride for their son. Additionally, the organisers begin gathering Chanda, or public donations, by going door to door after the Thali-Utha Niti to plan this magnificent celebration. The fact that Sitala Sasthi has widespread public endorsement cannot be denied. Interestingly, the land designated for the daily and exceptional Puja of these deities has been turned into personal property of dishonest individuals. This was made feasible by either concealing or destroying the grants, most likely during British administration. In any case, the priests are currently in charge of these deities' Seva-Puja. It has long served as an emotional unifying force among the Sambalpur community in addition to providing entertainment.
Following the selection of Goddess Parbati's human parents, the remaining Nitis, or marriage-related rites, are performed. Ganthli-Hita is the next name for Niti. This term's literary meaning is "opening of the knot." This Niti destroys social bonds or human relationships between Parbati's former human parents and her as a daughter. Along with the organisers, the father of Lord Siva, typically the temple priest, visits Parbati's former human parents' home and conducts this Niti. The relationship between the parents and daughter then becomes estranged or detached. This is a highly emotional occasion, despite its purely religious origin.
However, during that year's Yatra, this Niti is crucial to establishing the new parent-daughter bond. Above Niti is based on a Sambalpur local tradition. According to custom, which is especially common among non-Brahmin castes and in Sambalpur communities, parents occasionally sell or give their child to someone else, regardless of that person's caste, creed, or religion. Following this, Niti, the parents who take the child in, obtain the rights and social standing of the child's parents. Stated differently, they take on the roles of the child's social mother and father. It is a social norm that permits a child to remain with their social parents rather than their biological parents. The biological parents must breach the social ties when the child reaches marriageable age and they want him or her to get married. After performing a basic Niti, they retrieve the child from the social parents. Only the child who has undergone this rite is eligible for marriage in the caste of their biological parents, and only then do the biological parents regain their lost social rights and the status of being the child's social mother and father, fulfilling all the social obligations of their child's marriage. This societal norm is typical in areas with extremely high newborn mortality rates or when child mortality is a frequent occurrence. In the hopes that the child will be shielded from bad luck and evil forces, parents sell or give their child to others. They think Yama won't come to their house because they have already abandoned the child; they think the child has left them. What will Yama be coming for, then? This illustrates the value of social parents in a society that only acknowledges social mothers and fathers.
Hita Ganthali, or the child marriage tradition that was common in the Sambalpur region, which was controlled by tribal people, has an impact on Niti as well. Following custom, the bride stays in her parents' home until she reaches maturity in a child marriage. The ceremony is carried out once the bride reaches adulthood.This indicates that the bride breaks off her ties to her parents. Following this ceremony, she and her spouse are taken to the home of her parents-in-law. During the Sitala Sasthi Yatra, Parbati breaks off her ties with her human parents from the previous year.
Patar-Pendi, the next Niti, is performed on Jyestha Sukla Dwitiya Tithi, or the second day of the bright fortnight in Hinduism. With a holy procession and their son's marriage proposal, the bridegroom's (Siva) family members and relatives (organisers) pay a visit to the Kanya-Pita, or the bride's (Parbati) home. The bride's family greets them warmly and enquires as to why they are there. The family of the bridegroom responds that they now know about their daughter Parbati or Kanya. The bridal family enquires about their son Siva's Guna, or nature. The characters are then narrated appropriately by the bridegroom's relatives. The marriage is then finalised. The Kanya-Pita, Parbati's human father, receives a single Sala-Patra Binda, or basket of sal leaves, from Bara-Pita, Siva's father, who is typically a temple priest. This shows that Siva and Parbati's wedding has been approved. This is thought to be a tribal tradition that was taken and incorporated into Sambalpur's Sitala Sasthi Yatra. This is termed as Pindhani or Nirbandha. Marriage is viewed as fixed after this Niti, and any subsequent divergence is viewed as an ethical felony. Any subsequent divergence is viewed to bring disgrace and dishonour to the family. The next niti is called Patar Pendi, where bangles, vermilion, saree and fruits for the bride are presented to the bride (Parvati), and then the most auspicious tithi for the lagna day is calculated. After that, proceed with the invitation-related Niti of Gua-Gunda. The next two days, or Trutiya, are dedicated to this rite. This Niti is significant because it calls on all of Sambalpur town's gods to attend the sacred union of Lord Siva and Goddess Parbati. When the organisers give Gua Gunda and a tour every temple in Sambalpur town in an impressive parade, it is indeed a significant occasion. This is how people traditionally invite the gods. This is also Sambalpur's traditional method of sending out marriage invitations. Gua signifies "betel nut" in literary contexts, while Gunda means "haldi" (turmeric) powder. As a result, Gua-Gunda is made up of Gua, some Haldi powder, flowers, fruits (ideally coconut and banana), etc. Narshingha Mahaprabhu goes to invoke the gods on for Balunkeswar Baba of Nanda Pada. This is similar to how marriage invitations are traditionally sent out in Odisha. On behalf of Lokanath Baba and Jageshwar Baba, Hanuman proceeds to send the invitations during a yatra referred to as the Nitua Yatra. To this date, this continues as a ritual and every year a couple act as the parents and marries of Parbati and Shiva.
CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE AND IMPACT:
Sital Sasthi, the centuries-old Odia festival celebrating the divine marriage of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati, has become “one of the major folk drama forms” preserved in Odisha’s social life. Celebrated with the entire district, these unique customs highlight the festival’s deep roots in Sambalpur’s local tradition and social ethics. Beyond the ritual, the festival has evolved into a cultural carnival and stage for Odisha’s living heritage. For a week each year, the streets of Sambalpur come alive with music, dance and pageantry. Every procession features dozens of tableaux and performances of traditional folk dances- from Sambalpuri Dalkhai and Samprada to western Odisha forms like Kandhei Nacha and Pasu Nrutya.
Local scholars note that many art forms were once “fading into oblivion”, but Sital Sasthi rejuvenates dying folk arts by giving rural artists a platform and even paying them to perform. As one folklorist observes, the festival bridges the gap between tradition and modernity as it progressively adapts to new tastes By showcasing Odisha’s diverse cultural repertoire and even inviting troupes from across India, the festival reinforces pan-Indian cultural links while highlighting local identity.
Community Participation and Solidarity
Sital Sasthi is inherently communal. In Sambalpur today, it is organized by 20-plus local committees and temples, each mobilizing thousands of volunteers and participants. This year over 8000-10,000 artists from Western Odisha and even neighboring states joined the carnival. Government and community leaders emphasize its inclusive spirit: for example, local MPs have urged the Centre to give Sital Sasthi national heritage status precisely because it “brings together diverse dance and music traditions from across India”. The week-long festivities indeed draw pilgrims and tourists from across Odisha and beyond. Through singing, drumming, and street processions, ordinary families, Brahmins, and non-Brahmins alike cooperate year-round in preparations, reaffirming bonds of mutual support and cultural pride. Even groups often on the margins have found a role: transgender performers have historically danced in the Shiva Parvati parade, and tribal communities contribute local art forms and rituals. In short, Sital Sasthi transforms Sambalpur into a social crucible where community ties are knit tighter through shared effort and celebration.

Symbolism and Ethical Dimensions.
At its heart, Sital Sasthi is rich in symbolism about balance, duty, and love. The divine couple represents cosmic harmony, “the union of the masculine and feminine divine energies,” which ensures fertility and relief from drought. Observers note that the marriage story (Shiva’s quest for Shakti) emphasizes devotion and perseverance. Festival activities carry moral lessons: for example, the Ganthali‑Hita ritual (breaking Parvati’s earthly bonds) underscores themes of renunciation and social responsibility.
Re-assigns motherhood and fatherhood
Parvati is made the daughter of selected villagers (gaining “social parents” for the year) in a symbolic gesture that elevates the community’s role over individual lineage. In contemporary terms, the festival also spreads positive values: organizers highlight how Sital Sasthi “inspires devotees to honor relationships, uphold family values, and embrace spiritual unity.” The songs and processions are framed not just as entertainment but as reminders of unity and faith. Even simple acts – like distributing sweets, communal feasts, and chariot processions – reinforce generosity and egalitarianism across class and caste.
Contemporary Relevance and Odia Identity
Today, Sital Sasthi is more than folklore; it’s a living thread in Odisha’s social fabric. Many credit it with reviving rural livelihoods and pride. By drawing tourists and media attention, the festival boosts the local economy and civic spirit. Odisha’s government has invested heavily (over ₹1.8 crore this year) to ensure the festival’s success, and leaders say it deserves nationwide recognition. Academics note that Sambalpur’s “distinctive and matchless” Sital Sasthi drama has become a cultural landmark of the region. In the modern era – amid rapid urbanization and technological change – its continuation affirms continuity: ancient symbols (drum, conch, bridal procession) meet new media, and age‑old melodies play alongside popular songs. The result is a vibrant statement of Odia identity and social unity. As one local review observes, the streets during Sital Sasthi “transform into a vibrant stage for cultural expression,” attracting Odias from all communities to celebrate their shared heritage.
Sital Sasthi remains a powerful glue for Odisha’s society, especially in Sambalpur. By retelling a sacred myth through communal drama, by reviving dying folk arts, and by involving tens of thousands of people each year, the festival weaves together cultural, social and ethical threads. It reinforces collective values such as marital devotion, filial duty, spiritual unity – even as it creates a festive, and a shared experience. In this way, Sital Sasthi serves not only as ritual worship of Shiva‑Parvati, but as a living institution of Odia culture: one that unites diverse communities, preserves moral teachings, and reminds people of common bonds in the heart of modern Odisha.
By S. Abhipsha Dash
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